June 1984 was a turning point in contemporary Sikh history. During this very emotional and anguished anniversary of the unprecedented genocide in East Panjaab (India), we have seen a regurgitation of tired, worn out rabble-rousing rhetoric from the domineering pro-Sikh nationhood leadership. WSN takes lead in publishing this first of its kind analysis by activist-ideologue Jagdeesh Singh, who in this second of a two-part series, presents a deep-felt scathing perspective on those espousing Sikh freedom in homeland Panjaab and around the globe. He questions whether we have the internal attitudinal and behavioural qualities to run a sovereign, independent state; let alone the achievement of it?

W hat kind of Sikh state do we want? What kind of ‘Khalistan’ we want? Do we need it? Who will get it? How? When? Throughout the last 34 years, there has been some degree of fresh and constructive viewpoints to a general round of gatherings of virtually the same people  in seminar rooms and open air protest demonstrations – from Amritsar to London to Toronto to California, to reiterate the cause of Sikh nationhood – from an independent ‘Khalistan’ to more recognition and rights within a federal India.

The Sikh people and, more widely and inclusively, the Panjaabi people, have been engaged in an ongoing, active to semi-active campaign for an independent state based on the territory of East Panjaab (Indian side), since June 1984. Immediately prior to this turning point in modern Sikh history, the articulation of Sikh national statehood was done by a handful of Sikh ideologues and visionaries, with some emerging activism in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

“People’s struggles against a mighty state, are never simple and straightforward. They are complicated and involve many dimensions and angles. ”

People’s struggles against a mighty state, are never simple and straightforward. They are complicated and involve many dimensions and angles. Thirty four years on and counting, there appears to have been very little introspection and self-examination by us as Sikhs, of how and where we are going with this struggle for justice, freedom and, ultimately, ‘Khalistan’.

Without malice and bias of any kind whatsoever, I share my deep sense of inadequacies of integrity and honesty within the general ranks of those who espouse the cause of Sikh freedom and sovereignty. Conjunctively, I, also, take a considered look at the serious lack of competent media and public representation skills amongst the ‘Khalistan’ circles, inside the UK and in Panjaab.

I am particularly disenchanted with a gross and sustained ineptitude which borders on near-suspect frontline ‘leadership’, which has for far too long now displayed only incoherent and unprincipled verbal outbursts and erratic gesturing. They have done nothing to make the ‘Khalistan’ movement, appealing to wider Panjaabis much less to the wider non-Sikh world.

“Thirty four years on and counting, there appears to have been very little introspection and self-examination by us as Sikhs, of how and where we are going with this struggle for justice, freedom and, ultimately, ‘Khalistan’.

The Khalistan movement in the UK has been dominated here and in many other countries by loud, rabble-rousing cliques. Applying their impulses of greed, connivance and lack of integrity. The otherwise genuine, peoples movement has been hijacked and dominated by a core mass of loud, incoherent, boisterous individuals and their surrounding mobs.

Gurdwaras are routinely mis-governed, with misappropriation of monies, lack of open and transparent process, breaches of health and safety safeguards and even immigration fraud. There is no democratic free speech either.

There can be no Khalistan, Independent Panjaab, until comprehensive change happens. Annual demos, ‘Khalistan zindabad!’, posters, flyers, rousing speeches; are no substitute for this ground-up change. The aforementioned are simply a smoke-screen to bid time, at the most to let the opposition know that you are alive and kicking.”

From 1984, the ‘Khalistan’ movement entered into an active, popular stage. Cries of ‘Khalistan Zindabaad!’ characterised the biggest, history-making Sikh gathering in central London on 10th June 1984, in direct protest to the actions of the Indian state in Panjaab. India had feverishly pressed the UK government to ban the demonstration, but despite the British Government’s active support to India; there was no legal nor practical means to prevent this mass gathering of nearly 100,000 Sikhs from across the UK. ‘Khalistan Zindabaad’, became the new evocative slogan, across Panjaab, the UK, Canada, USA and Germany, where Sikhs lived in sizeable numbers.

The global Sikh population in Canada, USA, Britain and Germany, emerged actively to seek justice and fight for Khalistan. India’s final solution had failed to hold back the Sikhs.  However, the journey from 1984 to now, has been fraught with internal failures as well the external hammering that has continued from the Indian state.

What unfolded from this initial excitement and passion in 1984, over the coming decades; has opened up a lot of unaddressed questions and urgent need for democratic review about a bungling and suspect, mis-leadership of the Sikhs outside Panjaab and in the homeland.  

This was invariably a David versus Goliath situation, in so many ways. Rustic, poorly educated, un-skilled in media matters nor international affairs; the small numbered Sikhs in Panjaab were brave and hardy but not intellectually ready nor physically equipped for an international level campaign to expose the Indian state.

Added to this, was the internal failure of the Sikh masses to nurture and produce a healthy stream of spokespersons and figures who demonstrated integrity, commitment and a democratic approach in taking the ‘Khalistan’ struggle forward. As time passed, many of the self-claimed Khalistan leaders soon emerged as rabid, incoherent, rabble-rousing attention seekers; with no international media appeal and definitely with no actual strategy or will to take the Khalistan case forward constructively and persuasively. They lacked both the language skills and the persona, to speak with authority and persuasion to a global audience; coupled with a lack of integrity, honesty and sincere passion to drive the movement to new heights. Distinct individual exceptions are present but they do not prevail.

Over the course of the last 34-years, it has become abundantly self-evident, that this breed and stream of ‘Khalistan’ leaders, all share the same ineptitudes in regards to media and public engagement skills, and, even more seriously lack the accountability, transparency and honesty in their wheelings and dealings to the Sikh people. For many of these bungling, inept and seriously questionable individuals, the Khalistan cause was a means to personal fame and fortune.

The Khalistan movement in the UK has been dominated here and in many other countries by loud, rabble-rousing cliques. Applying their impulses of greed, connivance and lack of integrity. The otherwise genuine, peoples movement has been hijacked and dominated by a core mass of loud, incoherent, boisterous individuals and their surrounding mobs.

This is not dissimilar to movements around the world, which display the same human flaws.  

Indeed, many of the inadequate features of the supposed ‘Khalistan’ leadership, are flaws which are rife and rampant across the entire Sikh world and Sikh organisations, generally -Gurdwara committees and non-Gurdwara organisations; from Amritsar to the UK to USA to Canada and more. Very sadly, when you stand back and observe, you can see that the entire Sikh world is feeding from the same dirty pond.

The visible, front-line Khalistan movement akin to Sikhs and Sikh organisations, displays a  distinct absence of women leaders, Dalit figures, young British-born Sikhs. The entire Khalistan leadership, particularly the UK-based leadership is hoarded and dominated by figures, whose attitude and rabble-rousing behaviour makes interaction with dissenters as well as co-freedom seekers from other minority groups and nationalities almost impossible. The whole mechanism, methodology and means adopted by this section makes meaningful interaction well-nigh impossible.

Further, despite a devastating situation on the social, religious and political plain, never have these leaders at all levels -from the “big leaders” to the Gurdwara leadership sought to engage critical questions of women equality, caste discrimination and environmental issues. How would these issues be addressed in a Khalistan state?

For example, Sikh groups in the UK, have vigorously opposed the enactment of anti-caste legislation in the UK. So it would follow, that in their envisaged Khalistan, they would not have anti-caste legislation either.  This reveals a lot about the disconnect between Sikh leaders and actual Sikh ethics, and the Gurus vision of a free society for Panjaabis and beyond. It, also, raises powerful, searching questions, about exactly whose side they are on. The Indian-Hindu establishment vigorously opposes the UK anti-caste legislation too; seeking to protect and preserve the medieval Indian-Hindu way of life.  

The Khalistan leaders have made no attempt to engage non-Sikh Panjaabis into an all inclusive Panjaabi focussed freedom movement.  In Punjab too, the approach is Sikh-centric and not fully inclusive, though reassuringly, presently some groundwork is being done to bridge the gap between the Sikhs and the Dalits at the social and religious levels. It will be interesting to see how this translates at the political level.

Unfortunately, there is simply no desire by the present mainstream Khalistan leadership to engage these critical issues on which the future of Panjaab depends. This gross negligence is clearly not accidental. It is quite deliberate.

Clearly, this and and the new Khalistan leadership, if and when it emerges will have to change the idiom, form a new narrative which is inclusive of the women, the Dalits, the non-Jats, not just Sikhs but friends of Sikhs too.  

Currently, from the antics, fanfare, photo-fame and self-glorification, I doubt the authenticity of the pro-freedom leadership. They come up as a closed, insular mass, with zero solid and specific efforts over the last 34 years to learn and move forward.

Notably, inside Panjaab, following the heroic phase of armed-resistance which swiftly followed from around 1985 to 1995; with multiple young Panjaabis rising up and joining the ranks of a head-on armed opposition, amounting to full-scale rebellion to the brutal might of the Indian state; was made up of pretty genuine and committed individuals. Unlike the devious politicians in Panjaab pre-1984 and post 1984 who have made Panjaab a political toy and playground for their dirty power grab and “continuation of raising the voice” without doing much more.  

This heroic ‘jujharoo‘ phase, was clearly crushed by the Indian state through sheer head-on brutal terror of the Panjaab’s civilian population, the murder of families of these jujharoos –young committed fighters and rebels, the gruesome torture used on these resistance fighters and the mass annihilation of ordinary civilians through ‘fake encounters’ -internationally known as enforced disappearances.

Both Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as the shining figure-head who uncompromisingly challenged and confronted the Indian state and powerfully laid down his life in an enormously profound act of resistance in June 1984, man to man with his comrades; and, in turn, these young jujharoos from 1985 to 1995; have all given their entire energy and lives to the good cause of a free, independent statehood for Panjaab – united, inclusive and equal.

Tragically, like with so many global freedom struggles, their efforts and those of the many before them (Panjaabi Suba Morcha in 1960s); were to become stalled, muddled and despoiled by the antics and corruption of various figures like Badal who continued to survive throughout these gruelling years, to re-emerge in position of power and self-glory and political and financial fortune making.

Dishonesty, corruption and lack of principle is widespread across the Sikh population, both at leadership level and at the grassroot mass level.  There is a distinct lack of tolerance of diverse opinions and views, with an overwhelming desire by a minority of individuals who seek to dominate and control Sikh affairs; who are eager to censure and condemn free expression of opinions and opposed to free debate.

The entire running of Sikh institutions from Amritsar to the UK to Canada to the USA is characterised by mob-like groups, who fight and conflict for power and seek to use various underhand methods to achieve this, from violent threats to manipulation of documents to outright falsifications. For example, numerous gurdwaras in the UK have been the subject of interventions and investigation by the Charity Commission, the UK watchdog on charity groups. This reveals the above culture of misgovernance, fraud and corruption which has become a central, pervasive feature of our community. To be clean, honest and with some integrity; is simply not functional.

Meanwhile, the ordinary Sikh-Panjaabi mass, is largely infected by similar characteristics and failures, based around male dominance, honour driven notions of family and community life, caste discrimination and a distinct lack of community democracy in listening, sharing and allowing diversity of thought and opinions. Abuse and oppression on females, remains a live, profuse issue; alongside continuing medieval caste discrimination.

Gurdwaras are routinely mis-governed, with misappropriation of monies, lack of open and transparent process, breaches of health and safety safeguards and even immigration fraud. There is no democratic free speech either.

Altogether, this reveals a community in internal crisis. It reveals a people unequipped for the responsibility of self-governance, statehood and the maintenance and development of such a state-society. Under these above conditions Panjaab and its people, its land, its language, its culture and development, would be under no better a situation than what it already is with the current Indian control and conditions. Neither of these are acceptable.

This warrants a serious and deep look at ourselves, and a rejuvenation and embedding of these critical human values demonstrated by the Ten Gurus – whose ethics and vision we have entirely betrayed and disconnected from.

There can be no Khalistan, Independent Panjaab, until this deep, comprehensive change happens. Annual demos, ‘Khalistan zindabad!’, posters, flyers, rousing speeches; are no substitute for this ground-up change. The aforementioned are simply a smoke-screen to bid time, at the most to let the opposition know that you are alive and kicking.   

We have a lot of change to make within. From that change, will automatically flower statehood. The ‘Khalistan Zindabad’ elements have played their role more. It is time to move on.

It is time to put behind us the corruption, duplicity and chicanery which are characteristics of Indian political ethos. We need to replace this with characteristics of trust, tolerance, open-mindedness, respect for dissent and most of all continuous learning. The collective Panjaabi people need to focus heavily as a priority on :

-removing caste discrimination;
-removing oppression of women;
-rejuvenation of religio-political ethos in Panjaab and elsewhere through groundwork;
-educating the community to reach higher levels of social and political excellence;
-promoting internal democracy through open, challenging opinions; and
making their Gurdwaras and organisations inclusive of British born Sikhs, women and dalits.

Clearly, there is a lot of work to do.

The Gurus represented the most seminal and powerful force in Panjaabi history and development. They brought to the afflicted and broken Panjaabis, a liberating vision and lifestyle integrated with indigenous Panjaabi life;  designed to lift the individual and collective Panjaabi into an equal, democratic and positive community. And, to be an example to other communities and nations. Powerful examples of that change were seen in the social and economic equalisation represented in the langar system, in the sharing of amrit, in the call for Sarbat da Bhala, in the collective struggle against oppressive state power and the establishment of a free, independent Panjaab state for all Panjaabis.

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The self-rule period of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Baba Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and Maharaja Ranjit Singh were glittering examples of the inclusive approach of Sikhism implemented during their times.

Let us take inspiration from the same seminal movement and re-invigorate our people and nation.